North Korean Troops in Ukraine Hit 1,000 Casualties

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When we started 2024, I didn’t see North Korean troops exchanging gunfire with Ukrainian forces in my crystal ball. Weapons and equipment, sure. But troops?

North Korea’s military, long the iron fist keeping Kim Jong-un’s totalitarian regime firmly in place, has made a surprise appearance in Kursk this year.

With 1.3 million active-duty soldiers, the Korean People’s Army has served as both the backbone of Pyongyang’s domestic control and its chief instrument of South Korean intimidation.

But these days, Kim’s forces are flexing their muscle far from home — in Ukrainian-controlled territory — where over 11,000 North Korean troops have been deployed to boost Russia’s war effort.

The gamble has already cost Pyongyang dearly. South Korea’s Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) announced recently that over 1,100 North Korean soldiers have been killed or injured since they entered combat in Ukraine.

This figure includes over 100 deaths reported within just the first few weeks of their deployment.

These grim numbers come as no surprise given the circumstances of their rushed deployment. Although I do find it interesting that the North Korean soldiers have been collecting their dead, rather than leaving them on the battlefield to rot the way the Russians do.

It’s unclear to me if this is a cultural thing or if the DPRK soldiers have been instructed to mask their presence — and collecting their dead is a step in the SOP.

Both are plausible.

The troops belong to North Korea’s “Storm Corps,” an elite special forces unit ostensibly trained for high-stakes operations like urban combat and mountain infiltrations.

What makes a unit “elite” is another conversation entirely. Presumably, they are trained better than the standard DPRK rank-and-file grunt. It could also be because they come from notable, politically trustworthy families.

But the flat, drone-filled battlefields of Eastern Ukraine have proven to be a poor match for their skills. According to South Korean intelligence, these troops received minimal training in modern warfare tactics and were ill-prepared for drone attacks, trench warfare, or the vast, open terrain of the region.

So much for the “elite.”

According to reporting by Chris Cappy from Task & Purpose, who was recently on the ground in Kursk, the North Koreans are perplexed by the drones, often letting them get too close and, well, exploding.

Other North Korean units shoot at all drones, friend or foe — much to the chagrin of their Russian hosts.

Adding to the chaos, their deployment was so hastily arranged that many soldiers had little time to learn even basic Russian commands like “fire” or “fall back.” Language barriers and a lack of preparation have led to predictable battlefield confusion.

As Ahn Chan-il, a former North Korean army sergeant turned defector, explained, “They likely got a crash course in drone warfare, but whether they can actually apply it in combat is another question entirely.”

Kim Jong-un’s decision to deploy troops to Ukraine is more than just a show of solidarity with a fellow pariah state. It’s a calculated move to secure cash, technology, and experience.

Analysts believe Russia offered lucrative rewards for North Korea’s military contributions, including advanced weapons systems and other forms of military modernization.

Feels like a grim barter system: Pyongyang sends troops and equipment; Moscow provides the tech boost Kim craves.

In addition to troops, North Korea has reportedly supplied Russia with “self-destructible drones”, along with 240mm rocket launchers and 170mm self-propelled artillery.

As for small arms, North Korea uses a Kalashnikov-type rifle called the Type 88. This weapon uses the same ammunition as Russia’s standard infantry rifle.

Fun fact: China also uses the Type 88 and it’s believed that China assisted North Korea with manufacturing their own.

A North Korean rifle of unknown nomenclature was seen during the 2017 Day of the Sun military parade. This rifle appeared to consist of a grenade launcher and a unique assault rifle. I would love for Ukraine to get their hands on one of these to share with the West — assuming the rifles used in the parade were more than mere rubber props.

But there’s still a lot we don’t know about what the DPRK is sending to Russia.

This is part of the challenge of analyzing a country that is effectively sealed off from the outside world. Intel is hard to come by.

Really, our best source of information on these developments isn’t the US government or even Ukrainian intelligence; it’s South Korea’s spy agencies.

It’s also worth noting that Kim has placed a big focus on asymmetric warfare techniques and unconventional weaponry to achieve parity against high-tech enemy forces.

Using information given by South Korean intelligence, the National Intelligence Service (NIS), the US Defense Intelligence Agency reports that Kim has made large investments in stealth paint to conceal ground targets, midget submarines and human torpedoes, blinding laser weapons, and a huge chemical weapons program with a large stockpile of chemical weapons.

These contributions, intelligence agencies warn, are not just about aiding Russia — they’re part of North Korea’s broader strategy to modernize its military using lessons learned on the battlefield.

Testing some of these weapons out on the battlefields of Ukraine would be an intel windfall for the Kim regime.

One such weapon that could show up in Ukraine is the ZM-87 anti-personnel laser, which, by the way, is banned under the United Nations Protocol on Blinding Laser Weapons.

The ZM-87 Portable Laser Disturber not only blinds humans but can also damage the photo-electric elements in laser rangefinders, video cameras, and missiles.

China developed this system and the US has accused Russia, China, and North Korea of recent use.

This isn’t some huge laser on a trailer. It’s very portable. North Korean soldiers carry it like a heavy machine gun.

This device will permanently blind a human if used within 3 km and cause temporary blindness if used within 10 km.

Because of this, it’s not beyond the realm of possibility that Russia might get its hands on a few — although it’s unclear how many Kim had to begin with.

Seoul’s JCS has cautioned that these developments could significantly increase the North’s threat to South Korea and its allies.

The military ties between North Korea and Russia have grown increasingly tight since the latter’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

In June, Pyongyang and Moscow signed a landmark defense pact, which has now come into force as of December 5. For Kim, this partnership is an opportunity to position himself as a key ally to Russia while gaining invaluable combat experience for his troops.

But this alliance hasn’t gone unnoticed. Last week, Pyongyang lashed out at a US-led statement condemning its military support for Russia, calling it a “reckless provocation.”

These are bold words from a regime that has been testing its border security with goats (more on that shortly).

North Korean soldiers watch as Drs. Debra Prince-Zinni, left, and Jennie Jin, forensic anthropologists with the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency (DPAA), secure a case containing the possible remains of service members lost in the Korean War during a unilateral transfer in Wonsan, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, July 27, 2018. The mission of DPAA is to provide the fullest possible accounting of our missing personnel to their families and the nation. (U.S. Army photo by Sgt. 1st Class David J. Marshall) Public domain.

Meanwhile, South Korea and Ukraine have announced plans to deepen their security cooperation in response to what they call the “threat” posed by North Korean deployments.

However, Seoul has remained cautious about providing arms to Kyiv, a move that would mark a significant shift in its longstanding policy of avoiding direct involvement in active conflicts.

Personally, I feel that South Korean weapons and technology donations should flow to Ukraine free of any talk about escalation. Putin has already opened the door wide by allowing DPRK soldiers to fight against Ukraine.

The North Korean soldiers fighting in Ukraine likely didn’t join out of patriotic zeal. Some are believed to come from impoverished families, for whom the promise of $2,000 a month in pay (even if most of it is siphoned off by the regime) is an irresistible incentive.

In a country where economic opportunities are scarce, even a fraction of that sum can transform a family’s fortunes — as long as the family is politically loyal.

There’s also a powerful social incentive. Soldiers who survive the deployment may be fast-tracked into membership in North Korea’s Workers’ Party, a highly coveted status symbol.

For those who don’t survive, their families may gain “war dead” status, elevating their social standing in the rigid hierarchy of North Korean society. This is similar to the reverence we pay to “Gold Star Families” here in the US — those who have sacrificed a family member who has died in service to their country.

While North Korean troops grapple with the challenges of modern warfare abroad, the regime’s unique problem-solving skills are on full display back home.

In a move to further secure its southern border, Pyongyang has been constructing a 25-mile-long electric barbed-wire fence, reportedly testing its effectiveness using goats.

Yes, goats.

A leaked photo from South Korea’s military even shows a soldier holding a goat near the electrified fencing, proving once again that Kim Jong-un’s regime will use whatever resources it has on hand — no matter how unconventional.

And then there’s the trash. Since May, North Korea has launched over 7,000 balloons filled with garbage into South Korea. This so-called “balloon offensive” is Pyongyang’s retaliatory response to South Korean activist groups that send propaganda northward.

These balloons often carry leaflets, US dollars, and USB drives loaded with K-pop and South Korean dramas — a cultural cocktail that’s banned in the North but highly sought after by its citizens.

In Pyongyang’s eyes, weaponized garbage is the ultimate clapback.

Kim Jong-un’s gamble in Ukraine is just the latest chapter in a reign marked by ruthless control and unpredictable moves.

When Kim took power in 2011, I remember the optimism in the West: Perhaps he would be different from his father and grandfather? After all, he is young. Maybe he will seek détente?

We thought the same thing about Bashar al-Assad when he took power — hoping his youth and time spent in the UK would produce a mellow dictator.

We never learn our lessons.

Instead, Kim has ruled with what South Korea calls a “reign of terror,” purging military elites and consolidating power with an iron grip.

In 2015, Defense Minister Gen. Hyon Yong-chol was executed with an antiaircraft gun for falling asleep during a meeting — a stark reminder that even the highest-ranking officials are expendable.

More recently, Kim has surrounded himself with new military elites like Col. Gen. Kim Yong-bok and Col. Gen. Ri Chang-ho, both of whom have played key roles in North Korea’s support for Russia.

These figures have already been sanctioned by the US for their involvement.

North Korea’s involvement in Ukraine is a messy gamble that reflects the regime’s desperation and opportunism.

From poorly trained troops on the frontlines to goats guarding barbed-wire fences back home, the entire operation is equal parts grim and absurd. For Kim, the payoff could be significant: cash, military modernization, and political leverage.

But for the rest of the world, this foray into overseas conflict is a reminder of how reckless leaders can turn even the most bizarre strategies into catastrophic consequences.

In the theater of war, even goats and garbage can find their way onto the stage.

Merry Christmas and happy holidays, friends.

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